One of the dogmas of Vox is the defense of the Spanish wherever it is necessary. The expression encompasses the courts, regional chambers and town halls, but also other settings that go beyond mere political debate, such as the street or especially the courts. The resonance of his speech in the parliaments is almost taken for granted and mobilizations such as that of Colón have proven to be more or less effective, but where the party of Santiago Abascal it is through their right of access to Justice. The training, with 93 procedures since 2020, bases the bulk of its short and medium-term strategy on obtaining revenues from
a flood of resources and lawsuits against the governments of the day, especially that of Pedro Sánchez, and the attacks he receives. The sentence of the ‘procés’ and the recent unconstitutionality of the state of alarm are the tip of a huge iceberg that does not stop growing.
The list is extensive. Laws, decrees, appointments, dismissals, tweets, statements, reports, measures against Covid-19 … The left and its leaders mostly trump this sort of inventory of Vox’s legal actions for less than two years, when The coalition government of the PSOE and Podemos was formed and Abascal’s party established itself as the third, with 52 deputies. The president of the Sociological Research Center (CIS), José Félix Tezanos, is the latest name to join. The formation presented on July 21 a complaint against him – admitted for processing – for an alleged crime of embezzlement of public funds, understanding that the institution’s reports present “known and notorious deviations towards the PSOE.”
From Marlaska to Echenique
In the list of defendants, however, there are two names that stand out. The main one is that of the Interior Minister, Fernando Grande-Marlaska, with a total of three complaints. Two for the dismissal of Civil Guard Colonel Diego Pérez de los Cobos – May 2020 and March 2021 – and another for the lack of security at the Vallecas rally during the May 4 electoral campaign in Madrid, when a mob of radicals boycotted an act of the party throwing stones and bottles. There were eight detainees due to the riots and clashes against the Police and Vox also filed a complaint against those arrested.
The founder of Podemos Juan Carlos Monedero also appears twice, once for calling the sympathizers and members of the party Nazi and another, more recently, for relating Samuel’s death in Galicia with the speech of the formation. Complaints have also been filed against Pablo Echenique and the ministers Reyes Maroto and Ione Belarra for hate crimes.
Party sources have detailed to ABC that since February 2020 a total of 93 judicial processes have been opened, of which 31 have been before the Constitutional Court –With various appeals for protection and unconstitutionality–, ten in the Supreme Court, another 31 in other courts of first instance and six against the sanitary measures imposed in Valencia, the Canary Islands, the Balearic Islands, Aragón, Navarra and Galicia. In addition, up to 14 procedures were started in Catalonia alone. The last one, on July 15, is a complaint before the Supreme Court for the Generalitat fund to pay for the penalties after the pardons.
The reality is that there is practically no media issue in which Vox has not appeared. The separatist challenge, Historical Memory in Madrid, Otegui, Democratic Tsunami, ‘Delcygate’, Neurona, Iglesias and Montero’s nanny, coronavirus … «There is only Vox», they reiterate over and over again from the party, as if that speech justified each of their legal actions.
The Catalan issue, beyond the ‘procés’, represents one of the main judicial fronts. Vox denounced Carles Puigdemont for embezzlement in November of last year and, among other issues, this June appealed to the Supreme Court the measure of grace granted by Sánchez to pro-independence politicians convicted of sedition and embezzlement. But there is more to the margin of Catalonia. Much more. Also complaints against the so-called health cordons against them in the parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country.
The pandemic has led to a similar offensive, with several open procedures. Those of Abascal presented an appeal of unconstitutionality against the state of alarm, another of protection against the second, a letter against the veiled inclusion of Pablo Iglesias in the commission that regulates the CNI through the Covid decree, the file of the actions in the case of 8-M prior to the outbreak of the health crisis … Of course, also the measures to stop the spread of the virus in some regions and the Galician health law for limiting, supposedly, fundamental rights. A bombing whose maximum exponent is the unconstitutionality of the massive confinement between March and June 2020, declared in July.
The return on these victories is precisely what explains this medium-term strategy. Although from the party they do not say it publicly, in private they do recognize it and no one is aware that every decision in their favor is one more step in his goal of knocking down Sánchez. Even in his fight for the PP to attract the right-wing voter. An amendment to the whole fully supported and with an irrefutable argument: its illegality. For this purpose, appeals have also been submitted to the Constitutional Court for capital laws of the Socialist Executive: the euthanasia law, the so-called ‘Celaá Law’, or the reform of the Judicial Power Law (CGPJ). Also the Rider law or the one that is already being prepared against the National Security and Memory law. The latest victory is that a Madrid judge sees signs of embezzlement in Tezanos’ polls at the CIS. You must declare as investigated.
The total economic cost of this strategy of maximums is a fact that the party prefers not to reveal, nor does it highlight the brain of this operation. However, it is not difficult to fit the party’s deputy legal secretary, the lawyer Marta Castro, and other early swords like Macarena Olona O Jorge Buxadé, both attorneys for the State.
Against the media exposure with favorable judgments, when the cases are dismissed or archived they do not have the same impact, or even similar, and they practically go unnoticed and without major repercussion. If the opposite occurs, the Government is anxious, annoyed – and touched – by what they consider to be a “judicialization” of politics. “We cannot settle the policy in court and pass a hot potato to the courts,” said the minister and exporter María Jesús Montero a little over a month ago. His words coincide with those of other leaders at the regional and local level, although they clarify that it is not something exclusive to Vox.
George is Digismak’s reported cum editor with 13 years of experience in Journalism