Tuesday, April 16

Castilla y León opens an electoral campaign that Sánchez and Casado look askance



For the first time, an appointment with the polls in Castile and Leon monopolizes exclusively the electoral foci of Spanish politics. There will be at least other elections this year, those in Andalusia, and both will be the prelude to the super-electoral year 2023, in which municipal, regional and general elections will be linked (if the latter do not come forward). For now, on February 13, just over 2.1 million voters will have in their hands something more than the distribution of the 81 prosecutors of the Cortes of Castilla y León. Because in this community they will also examine, at a minimum, the left coalition in the central government and the strategy of Paul Married in the PP.

Luis Tudanca, PSOE candidate. EFE


PSOE

There is no discouragement in the PSOE despite the cataract of adverse polls. Some polls, however, indicate a brake on the expectations of the PP and the CIS, a tie between the two forces. As he predicted in 2019, they remember, when the Socialists finally exceeded the estimate and won the elections, although they could not govern. In Ferraz and in the PSOE of Castile and León they insist that the party “is activated, animated”, “coordinated” and “united” around its leader and candidate, Luis Tudanca. “And there are 15 days to go,” they underline, highlighting that the “hoax” of the macro-farms has not caught on as the popular wanted.

For the socialists, their asset is the sowing in the opposition and the demand for “change” after 35 years of PP governments. Also his dominance in the urban vote: They direct 62% of the municipalities with more than 1,000 inhabitants and five of the nine provincial capitals. They believe that there will be a match if PP and Vox do not add up, since We can, Cs The Spain Emptied they may be more willing to compromise with them.

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Pedro Sánchez will participate in four campaign events. In Ferraz they emphasize that the chief of the Executive “nothing is at stake”, no matter what happens, because there are two years left in the legislature and 13-F and then the Andalusians “do not open the door of Moncloa”, as the PP wishes. “But hey, what [Alfonso Fernández] manueco is not [Isabel Díaz] I help and it can be the Susana Diaz of Castile and Leon”, warns an important mayor valued in the PSOE for his nose. That is to say, that the regional president, in his fall, “could end up dragging Pablo Casado”.

Alfonso Fernández Mañueco, PP candidate. EFE


PP

Pablo Casado knows that what the PP does in Castilla y León with Vox will be read as a preview of what he himself can do in two years after the general elections. The conservatives aspire to repeat the resounding victory that Isabel Díaz Ayuso achieved in May in the elections of February 13. The Madrid leader touched the absolute majority and left no room for the far-right formation so that it could ask for any portfolio in the regional government. Vox voted for his investiture and made some demands to support the regional budgets, but it was not seen strongly enough to claim a share of power. However, now the radicals have already warned the PP that they will want to enter the Government even if they only need a ridiculous number of attorneys so that Alfonso Fernandez Manueco (PP), first in almost all polls, is elected president again. In Genoa they fear being forced into that coalition, because they believe that the PSOE and United We Can have half a general campaign done.

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Francisco Igea, Ciudadanos candidate. David Castro


citizens

Citizens cross a tightrope again. After the serious drop in seats in the Catalan elections and the disappearance of Assembly of Madrid, the orange formation aspires to get a number of attorneys in the Cortes of Castilla y León that will make it the hinge of the future Government. At the end of December, the management of Inés Arrimadas confirmed Francisco Igea as a candidate for the elections, until a month ago Vice President of the Board. Despite the tense relationship between the president and him (both faced each other in primaries in March 2020), the rupture of the coalition that Mañueco decided unilaterally, has caused both to grant each other a truce. 10 months ago, Paul Married He opened the doors “wide open” of the PP to the leaders of Citizens and hopes that in these elections the orange voters, given the slow-motion collapse of the formation, bet on Mañueco.

Pablo Fernández Santos, candidate for United We Can. EFE


United We Can

In the middle of the pre-campaign, the United We Can candidate for the presidency of Castilla y León, Paul Fernandez, acknowledged that the hoax about Alberto Garzon and the macro-farms had thrust them squarely into the electoral competition. And now they are ready to use that trick in the coming weeks. Of course, they intend to “make an effort” to talk about other issues, such as the situation of public services.

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Castilla y León is one of the main challenges for the purples, with greater support in the big cities and little support country world. To counteract this effect, the national leadership of United We Can will turn fully. The general secretary of the purples, Ione Belarra, and Garzón, will participate in several acts. However, the scarce presence of Yolanda Diaz. The leader of United We Can in the Government will only attend one event, which does not yet have a date.

Juan García-Gallardo, Vox candidate. EP


Vox

Vox wants to change strategy. The match of Santiago Abascal faces the elections in Castilla y León with the aim of being key to governance. That the PP needs them and they assert their votes. The ultras, with Juan Garcia-Gallardo as head of the list, they expect to reach 12 seats in Parliament, although the polls place them between 5 and 10 seats. They currently only have one. To achieve this, Abascal himself will fully enter the electoral campaign, visiting the 9 provinces.

The far-right party wants to change the negotiation dynamics that occurred in the previous electoral cycle, in which they supported PP governments with Cs in exchange for different commitments. The premise, now, is to raise those demands and, for the moment, they do not rule out asking for their entry into the regional government if they are indispensable to revalidate the mandate of the popular. In addition, the result will serve as a thermometer for training in one of the territories in which, a priori, it has more support.


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