Friday, December 3

The Government in the face of the change of cycle


Yolanda Díaz and Mónica Oltra.

Yolanda Díaz and Mónica Oltra.
EFE

Let us assume that the internal crisis in the Government due to the labor reform has been left behind. The question now is: does anyone remember that the most tense moment between PSOE and Podemos followed a general pressure for Pedro Sánchez’s left to unify under the leadership of Yolanda Díaz? What does that sequence mean? In the same way, the Government of Botànic reached an agreement on the Valencian budget in discount time, which followed that Mónica Oltra was favorable to the meeting with Díaz and Ada Colau to stage the unity of the non-socialist left. Doesn’t this desire for unity imply an improvement in government action? How is it just the other way around?

What idea is launched to the public opinion with these signals? And what message does the public buy? It could be said that, by making the will for unity and internal tension compatible, one wants to show that one knows how to naturalize the conflict. But also that they want to hide the lack of spirit of agreement in the day to day with the profession of faith in a long-term agreement. In this case, it is worth asking what citizenship gains from a unit that lives in conflict. What the public would buy in this case is that a desire for unity is manifested as a way of increasing internal competition. That is something different from the will to assure the electorate that everything possible will be done to ensure a non-reactionary government for Spain.

In light of what has been seen, the public is not clear about the dominant sentiment in that proposal. That is the best sign that you are on the lookout for an offer that is as necessary as it is premature. It is necessary and it will be, but if it wants to break through with force, certain conditions will have to be put on the table first. As long as they are not carried out, the movement will remain premature. And the first condition is that the coalition government itself functions on a day-to-day basis. As a government. Not as an isolated ministry. In this sense, whatever Díaz’s successes are and whatever happens with the labor reform, his successes will not be profitable if the idea that it is the entire government that is advancing on all fronts does not crystallize. That is the first condition.

The fact that all eyes are focused on Díaz is a movement that gives up Ione Belarra, Irene Montero and Alberto Garzón. But that is hiding reality. They are the ones who govern the respective organizations and there is no news that in their traditions someone has handed over the management of the party unnecessarily. Therefore, any promotion of Díaz must still clear the question of what IU and Podemos will do about it. Thinking that the electorate will not have a general idea of ​​the coalition partners, or that they will forget about them in ecstasy in Diaz’s leadership, is risky. Of course, in any crisis situation Díaz will fare better than Belarra or Garzón, and we can assume that the labor reform conflict has contributed to define Díaz’s leadership more than any other success so far, while Belarra burned the networks with accusations to the Supreme Judge Manuel Marchena. The conclusion that I draw is that this pact to the left of the PSOE must have an aspect of balance of the legislature. Trying to force it halfway, without an income statement, is premature.

But there is another aspect that may require further reflection. It is about avoiding the mimesis of a scheme that worked at a time in the Spanish political cycle that is already sinking in the past. Determined that cycle by the existence of a strong leader capable of dragging five million votes, we cannot operate as if that was standing or could return. It was, and has ceased to be just because it was not known or could not have other types of leadership. To imitate that cycle is not only to copy the past, but to imitate what caused its accelerated wear and tear. Thinking of someone who can replace Pablo Iglesias today is the best way to look for a second example of failure.

But there is more. No one has heard Diaz’s political idea. Nobody knows of its fundamental political principles. Of course, she is a good Minister of Labor and the unions work well with her. The bosses have already drawn attention to the fact that the world of work today is much more complex than the one in which the big unions decided. Being well regarded by the labor world represented by the unions is not the same as being a general social leader, capable of offering a political idea and producing political energy in the present. Let us not forget that there are many social sectors with particular demands of a very diverse nature that want to hear a voice that can serve them with a backbone political idea. And that is more than just offering sectoral competition. That was just the recipe that led Izquierda Unida, from Gerardo Iglesias to Yago Lara, to put union leaders of proven honesty and honesty at the forefront of training, but who increasingly represented only a minority sector of the country.

It seems that this recipe is not the one that Spain requires at a time of the reactionary political-cultural offensive, which has established its fundamental premises around the photo of Columbus. When in full ideological rearmament of the right, which we must not fool ourselves about what it means as a political regression beyond the spirit of the 1978 Constitution, it responds with a naked unionism, an unequal combat is taking place in which all those of losing. Above all, when we also know that the lures of sovereignty, greatness, anti-Europeanism and national unity can attract many workers nostalgic for the golden age of Spanish trade unionism, which, we must not forget, took place when state capitalism did not it had been dismantled under the neoliberal policies of the socialist minister Carlos Solchaga and the PP. Today, defending the world of work requires more than giving priority to sector agreements over company agreements. We know that it requires above all an idea of ​​the social totality and of the offer of a new civilizing principle that unifies culture, society, ecology, production and new forms of consumption. And that can only be taken care of by a fully functioning government. Sánchez should know that the most solid foundation to repeat this coalition government is not to manufacture a leader to his left willing to compromise, but to lead a government willing to govern.


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