The Madrid election campaign has been blown up. The refusal of the Vox candidate for the Presidency, Rocío Monasterio, to retract some demonstrations in which she suggested that the death threats in the form of bullets sent to the Minister of the Interior, the director of the Civil Guard and Pablo Iglesias y The consequent abandonment of the leader of Podemos from the second electoral debate, have ended up exploding the contest more than a week from May 4.
In what constitutes an absolutely anomalous process, the race for the government of the first region of Spain has long been unfolding in a environment of unprecedented toxicity: in the middle of a pandemic; with an unprecedented advance of elections and argued from the base of the rupture of the PP with a sector of Citizens that led to two threats (both failed) of censure motions in Murcia and Castilla y León; with a vice president who ceases to be a vice president to launch himself into the regional arena and prepare his replacement in Podemos; where The problems of Madrid are hardly discussed and the space is enlarged with questions of a national nature (Those killed by coronavirus, hate speech, the advance of the extreme right, fiscal dumping, the debate imposed by Madrid against everyone and everyone against Madrid, the closure of bars, the state of alarm and a cane on the terraces , etc). In the middle of it all, the figure of Isabel Díaz Ayuso, a clear case study for sociology, anthropology and political science, or how a public office that gives the impression of going straight to the iceberg comes out in all polls to the brink of the absolute majority.
The far right was lacking to poison this scenario. As disgusting as the words of Monastery are to us (“Get out, that’s what many Spaniards want, get up and leave here.” And after Iglesias left: “Now we’re better”), I am not sure that the leader of Podemos should abandon the debate. The fewer voices among the Democrats, the more decibels for nonsense and more broadcast hours for the ultras. But the rest of the parties are treading on all the mines that the representatives of Vox plant on the road, entering the rag of their provocations, forgetting to answer their outrageous lies (but without answering they remain), giving them the leading role in all forums and placing them, therefore, in an important step that does not correspond to either their parliamentary representation in Madrid or what the polls predict. With its strategy, Vox has managed to turn the focus of the campaign towards itself, to which it pours kerosene every day every time it causes a fire. Far from putting out the fire, the other parties just contemplate the flames in the middle of a very unsolvable hubbub, as the fire spreads.
If what the polls predict is fulfilled and Isabel Díaz Ayuso is the winner and Ciudadanos disappears, the best that can happen to democracy is that either the left is added or the PP candidate obtains an absolute majority and Vox stays out of the autonomous government. It is paradoxical that the most suitable for the system (that Vox does not enter the institutions or governments) can become the worst for Madrid, given the management of the Popular Party in that community. Pandemic aside, it is difficult to quote from memory any initiative of great importance that has emerged in the last two years of the executive chaired by Díaz Ayuso.
But the Madrid president does not need to participate in debates or show off her management. It seems that keeping quiet is enough to win the elections. With another addition: it is becoming increasingly evident that it is taking off among the center-right electorate and its projection throughout Spain.
In this gibberish, the PP does not finish it clear. As soon as he breaks with Vox as he gives him counseling in Murcia. After the clash between Iglesias and Monasterio, the party’s president, Pablo Casado, rushed to condemn the death threats moments after his organization in the Community of Madrid published the following tweet: “Iglesias, close when you leave. May 4th”. Soon after, they erased it. And so goes the PP, continually obliged to rectify or apologize, whether he calls those who unfortunately form the hunger queues as kept as if he avoids evaluating the hate posters in the subway. Either you are with democracy or you are with what characters such as Rocío Monasterio and Santiago Abascal.
Despite this position full of ambiguities, the rise of Isabel Díaz Ayuso seems unstoppable. In the mind of her main advisor, Miguel Ángel Rodríguez, the career of the Madrid president does not end at Puerta del Sol, but at the Palacio de la Moncloa. And this is where problems continue for Pablo Casado. The omnipresence of Ayuso has ended up reducing to a role of comparsa the presence of the leader of the PP in the autonomous campaign. Casado not only presides over an opposition party, but tries to rebuild a fractional organization with generals who have not just capitulated to his command (Feijóo in Galicia, Moreno in Andalusia, Bonig in the Valencian Community). The chorus of barons has been joined by the president of Madrid, who wants to lead the party in its autonomy as is also known about Almeida, mayor of Madrid, national spokesman for the PP and candidate for Genoa. It gives the impression that as of May 4, the main problem for the leadership of the PP does not end in Pedro Sánchez and that Casado could open another crack in his helmet. It may seem that Ayuso is going against the iceberg, but everything indicates that where it is difficult to straighten the course and take the helm is on the command bridge.
Eddie is an Australian news reporter with over 9 years in the industry and has published on Forbes and tech crunch.